Social Role
Provenzo (1991) has recommended that violence in video games be addressed in "a much more ecological/social context than has been the case". He compares the social role of video games to that of television and cinema, claiming that the pervading presence of gender stereotypes and sexual discrimination leads to a negative effect due to the processes of "amplification" and "reduction" (Bowers, cited in Provenzo 1991). This suggests that video games (and computers in general) are not ‘neutral’ technologies but have an innate effect on society by their very nature, yet "their role in the selection and amplification of culture is almost totally ignored" (Provenzo, 1991). After numerous interviews asking about their favourite games, young children of about 6 years old "seemed directed by the content of the games to construct a social reality based on the games" (Provenzo, 1991). Incorporation of certain elements of popular video games (such as violent martial arts moves and perceptions of women as helpless victims of violence and abuse) could well be unhealthy in children’s social development.
Video games may have another effect by forcing the player into linear behaviour patterns; in many games there is only one way to ‘win’, or display mastery (usually through the use of violence). There is no alternative method of winning other than memorising the workings of the game, deciphering the pre-programmed ‘rules’ and exploiting a technique that will enable the program to be ‘beaten’. "By providing such limited boundaries and possibilities, the games...not only diminish but seriously limit and circumscribe how the players involved in them can define themselves and their sense of being" (Provenzo, 1991). Whether a generation spoon-fed video games will be unimaginative, linear thinkers or not is a question that current research cannot yet answer, but Provenzo makes an interesting point about the role of games (and, debatably, the wider role of computers) in a child’s social development. Another perspective is that children’s mastery of technology not only equips them well for the future, but builds confidence and self-esteem (Turkle, 1984). Spence (1988) recounts similar evidence for young adults, adding that despite the concerns often expressed (and criticism of his therapeutic use of video games) "usage [of video games] effects positive change".
Funk & Buchman (1996) examined an older age group in their analysis of violent video games and adolescent self-concept. They evaluated 434 participants with a study questionnaire and utilised Harter’s 1988 Self-Perception Profile for Adolescents to evaluate participants’ judgements of themselves as individuals. Previous research in this field was contradictory (yet again, attributed to variations in age groups, gender and experimental procedure) and, again, previous methods of measurements were criticised as inadequate, using responses to only a few questions, or extrapolating from scales designed to measure other variables. With varying results in prior literature, Funk & Buchman chose not to predict whether the impact of game playing would be positive or negative, nor even whether significant associations between self-concept and game playing would be causal. It indicates the dubious usefulness of prior research when experimenters choose not to put forward a decisive hypothesis!
Funk & Buchman suggested that time spent playing games at home, time spent playing games in arcades, the proportion of ‘fantasy violence’ games listed as favourites, and the proportion of ‘human violence’ games listed would be significant predictor variables. Violent games both involved "fighting or destroying things in order to avoid being killed or destroyed", the difference being that in human violence games, the characters perpetuating the violence were human (as opposed to cartoon or fantasy characters). The most significant results were gender differences; consistent with past research, boys spent more time playing games at home and in the arcade than girls. Girls were far more likely to list fantasy violence games as favourites, whereas boys preferred human violence. However, the overall difference between genders in preference for all violent games was not significant. Although commitment to playing games did not result in a lower self-concept for boys, young adolescent girls had lower perceived self-competence if video games were a major time commitment.
Funk & Buchman concluded that they found no indication video games cause "major adjustment problems" for most players. They admit that though their evidence is statistically significant it may not be "practically significant", but point out that their findings parallel those of television researchers. In conclusion, they state that although "a large number of variables impact self concept...the fact that playing electronic games, a completely voluntary media interaction, has any significant negative relationship with self-concept warrants further study". They recommend improving their experimental method to utilise sophisticated techniques such as structural equation modelling, assessing age-related changes in game-playing habits and the potential of collaborative studies to gather evidence of a widespread preference for certain game types. Finally, the question of whether there are true "high-risk" players, or playing habits, is also highlighted as an important area for investigation. This study shows the need for a structure of experiments that will allow meaningful cross-study comparisons of specific issues, rather than continuing all-encompassing research on ‘the effect of video games on people’, treating both the ‘games’ and the ‘people’ as homogenous masses.
Cognitive and Physiological Effects
Although tabloid sensationalism has spurred a flurry of research into the social implications of video games, the effect of game playing on various cognitive (and physiological) processes has also been a common topic of research. Video games have been used as tools in cognitive therapy, and a small amount of experimental methodology has used games - not as the subject of the experiment, but as a method of obtaining results. "Playing video games requires concentration, memory, co-ordination and quick reactions" (Goldstein et al, 1997).
Goldstein et al (1997) studied the effects of playing video games on the reaction time, cognitive/perceptual adaptability, and emotional well-being of a small group of elderly people (aged 69-90). Ten participants played a puzzle game, Super Tetris, for 5 hours a week over 5 weeks and their results were compared to that of a similarly-sized control group. Reaction time (as measured by the Sternberg Test) increased significantly among video game players, as did reported emotional well-being. Cognitive and perceptual skills (measured using the Stroop Colour Word test) improved in both groups, but the greater improvement in video game players was not statistically significant - possibly a result of the relatively small number of subjects. However, Goldstein et al’s findings are concurrent with the sparse remainder of relevant literature, which hypothesises behavioural, cognitive and emotional effects.
Research done with the elderly may have more dramatic results than if done with other age groups. Goldstein et al’s subjects were mentally competent, with no motor impairment and good vision, but improvements in motor skills and cognitive processes may be less noticeable in younger subjects. Goldstein (1997) also suggests that "any activity [requiring] concentration, memory and quick reactions...results in improvement in physical and emotional responses"; the unique properties of Super Tetris may not be those underlying change! Finally, the Stroop Task utilised had little relation to the content of the game, and could be considered a bad measurement of the game’s effect on ‘cognitive and perceptual adaptability’ - colour recognition and verbal ability are not required skills in Super Tetris.
Dustman et al (1992, cited in Goldstein et al) suggest that "positive changes can occur in the central nervous system...over a relatively short time through the practice of activities most find enjoyable". The concept of cognitive rehabilitation through computer games can be supported with numerous findings of a link between performance in computer games and certain cognitive abilities: spatial ability, motor co-ordination, tracking capacity, attention, and memory. In people suffering from cerebral damage, these capacities are often deficient and are targeted for improvement in cognitive rehabilitation programs. Larose et al (1989) used a puzzle game called Super Breakout to improve the spatial abilities of visual scanning and tracking in children with minimal brain damage or serious attention problems.
The 40 subjects in the experimental group played 3 hours of Super Breakout a week, over a four week period. By the end, their spatial abilities had improved significantly. Larose et al claimed that the "simplicity and specificity [of Super Breakout] represents an efficient visual tracking and scanning rehabilitation tool". They also draw broader conclusions about the role of video games in cognitive therapy; training software should be designed to consider the processes inherent to each ability, and to allow for individual differences. Learning should be reinforced to maintain progress and motivation(Larose et al, 1989). This specific use of a simple video game, and evaluation of its effects on a specific cognitive function represents a welcome return to precise measurements (and solid experimental method) in video game research.
The use of computer games in education is a common topic of research. Researching the development of children’s memory skills is popular throughout psychology, and studies have been carried out investigating the potential of computer games in aiding children’s learning. Levin & Kareev (cited in Greenfield, 1984) have suggested that as video games create their own micro-worlds, game designers could structure these worlds to reflect knowledge a child should acquire. Many children’s ‘edutainment’ software titles use this process, essentially functioning as an interactive version of television programmes designed to do much the same thing (i.e. Sesame Street). However, the market for educational software is still relatively minute compared to that for the more traditional games. Oyen & Bebko (1996) evaluated the different contexts of learning in a ‘traditional’ environment, and learning using a computer game. They concluded that although the children playing the games were seen to rehearse more, their scores in a subsequent test were worse than those of the control group. Oyen & Bebko hypothesised that although the game environments might have been more stimulating for children, the distracting components and multiple goals may have occluded the main goal of the game. Again, specific game content and the player’s experience of the game appears a central issue. Games such as Super Breakout and Super Tetris are very simple in concept compared to most modern games. Although this simplicity works well for experimental situations, results obtained cannot be easily transposed onto, say, the more complex, modern first-person 3D ‘shoot -em up’.